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Massacre in Moscow and ISIS
 


It now seems beyond any doubt that the massacre at the Moscow concert was the work of ISIS, both in terms of the method of the attack, the explicit claim of responsibility, and the capture of the perpetrators. However, Putin is trying to blame the Ukrainians for complicity, which is highly unlikely. Even if there were some external complicity, the action must certainly be attributed to ISIS.

But what is ISIS? It has been destroyed for many years, its caliph killed by an American commando, its surviving fighters scattered, and it has lost all control of territory and organization: therefore, it no longer exists. Yet, it is also said that ISIS still exists and has never truly been defeated. In essence, both statements are true when clarified in their context. In reality, ISIS no longer exists as an organization or entity but remains as a label adopted by a scattered myriad of Islamic extremists in various parts of the Islamic world, from Central Asia to sub-Saharan Africa; some describe it as a kind of franchising.

Let's briefly examine the events.

ISIS emerged as a fundamentalist movement in war-torn Syria and gained global attention when it unified parts of Syria and Iraq into a single political entity. Its official name in Arabic was al-Dawla al-Islamiya fi Iraq wa ash Sham, literally translating to the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham. The term "al-Sham" referred to the Arab lands on the eastern Mediterranean, currently corresponding to the states of Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, and even Palestine, akin to the ancient Italian term "levante" which referred to the same regions. Translated into English, this expression becomes the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham, hence the acronym ISIS.

The operation's goal was the unification of dar al-Islam (lands of faith) as opposed to dar al-harby (lands of war or conquest). According to Islamic tradition, the entire Ummah (community of believers) was to be governed by a single authority, the caliph (successor of Muhammad). In fact, caliphs led the entire community of believers, and even when multiple independent Islamic states were established, they retained an ideal role similar to medieval Christian emperors vis-à-vis Christian kingdoms. The caliphate, eventually passing to the Turkish sultan, was abolished in 1924 during Kemal Ataturk's secular revolution. Today, the caliph is supposed to unite all Muslims, transcending factions, nationalism, and divisions to create a single Islamic state.

A few months later, a caliph was proclaimed within ISIS in the person of Ibrahim al-Badri, assuming the grandiose name Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi: Abu Bakr being the name of the first caliph and Baghdadi meaning "from Baghdad," where he was culturally nurtured. The proclamation of a virtually unknown figure as caliph was entirely outside the traditions, but it was asserted that the victories of the caliphate (the Islamic state) would manifest Allah's blessing and hence its legitimacy.

Indeed, the proclamation of the Islamic Caliphate was swift, with the almost effortless occupation of vast areas of Syria and Iraq, including the major city of Mosul with 700,000 inhabitants.

Volunteers (foreign fighters) flocked from all over, not only from the Islamic world but also from the West, much to the amazement and fear of Westerners. They never quite understood jihadism, always perceiving it as a phenomenon of backwardness or madness that could only infect minds of backward peoples, yet they were horrified to see it revived among the third generations of immigrants, people born, raised, and educated in the West.

Jihadism had a long history, climaxing with the 9/11 attacks. However, until then, it had always been terrorist groups without governing responsibilities. Now, they had territory to administer, effectively creating a genuine Islamic state, albeit unrecognized internationally.

The Caliphate emerged in a power vacuum without forces capable of effectively opposing it. The Syrian part was engulfed in a ferocious, senseless, and endless civil war, with territory controlled by disordered groups or rather bands, engaged in a mad struggle of all against all. The Iraqi part was embroiled in a frenzied ethnic-religious conflict: Iraq's Shiite majority, historically oppressed by the Sunni minority, had seized power through the democratic universal suffrage imprudently imposed by the Americans and now dominated the Sunnis in turn. The lightning rise of the Caliphate was thus due to the endless, inextricable conflict of the Middle East, everyone against everyone. Success was attributed to God's will rather than exceptional conditions, fueling even more fanatical extremism.

They then lost all sense of limits and reality, antagonizing everyone and everything. Christians, Yazidis, Shiites, and every other minority were brutally persecuted, clashes erupted with the bellicose Kurds supported by the Americans, and attacks were carried out everywhere, even in countries that could potentially support them, like Turkey and Afghanistan.

If its rise was rapid, its decline and downfall were prolonged. The protracted duration of its decline was due to the same reasons as its swift rise: the state of chaos, the struggle of all against all that unfortunately characterizes those lands. Kurds, Turks, Shiites, Sunnis, moderate and extremist Islamists, adherents of various tendencies, all fought among themselves, with temporary enemies becoming allies only to revert to enemies moments later, with external interventions from Americans and Russians (the Chinese still remain aloof). The war against the Caliphate was thus waged by all, yet at the same time, everyone was in conflict and suspicion with each other. The Caliphate's excesses led its adherents to victory or death without any prospect of mediation.

The end of the Caliphate does not mean the end of jihadism, which has continued and will continue for an unpredictable time.

While the Caliphate (ISIS) no longer exists, the term has survived as a kind of franchising adopted by scattered groups within the vast world of Islamic extremism and fundamentalism.

There is no strategy, no concrete recognizable purpose, but terrorism strikes everywhere. A bloody attack like the one in Moscow happened a few months ago in Iran because it is Shiite, and some years ago at Kabul airport because, unbelievably, even the Taliban did not appear extremist enough. The same occurs in sub-Saharan Africa, in Nigeria. Smaller-scale attacks are reported everywhere, hundreds of them, usually barely noticed by the international media.

Defeated and destroyed, the Caliphate, like al-Qaeda, leaves behind scattered, frenzied cells that can strike anywhere. In fact, it is very difficult, even impossible, to predict their actions precisely because they are irrational, random, and for the same reason, they no longer pose a political threat. It is no longer conceivable that a new Caliphate, a new fundamentalist political entity, as feared in previous decades, could truly emerge. There will never be a war of all Islam against the West as bin Laden dreamed, there will never be a single state unifying all of Islam, there will never be a theocracy as Khomeini dreamed: they are all dreams ending in a lake of blood and a heap of ruins due to internal conflicts within the Islamic world itself rather than a clash with the West.